Oct 31: Philip   Wallach with the Brookings Institution has released a 15-page paper entitled,   "U.S. Regulation of Greenhouse Gas Emissions." The paper provides a concise   look back at how the U.S. policy to address greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions   has evolved, how it has developed over the last several years including the   political and legal entanglements; and, importantly, where it might be headed   under different leadership scenarios in the Executive office and Congress. Also,   of great importance the paper provides extensive links to referenced documents   and information and thus becomes an important reference.    
      In the   introductory overview, Wallach indicates, "Where does U.S. climate   change policy stand today? Most politically attentive Americans probably know   just two salient facts: President Obama and Democrats failed to pass   cap-and-trade legislation back when they controlled Congress, and the issue has   received very little attention on the 2012 campaign trail. Nevertheless,   regulations designed to reduce greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions and mitigate   climate change are real and growing in importance at state, regional, and   national level. Without the benefit of new legislation, the Environmental   Protection Agency (EPA) has finalized rules under the Clean Air Act affecting   motor vehicle fuel efficiency and emissions from power plants. Recently, the   D.C. Circuit rejected a number of legal challenges to these rules, ensuring that   they will remain in place and grow in importance in coming years. This research   note surveys the development of climate change policy in the program without new   legislation, and assesses where GHG regulation can and should go from   here."
  
    In the concluding   section of the paper, Wallach looks ahead and says, ". . .without   straining our imaginations, suppose that our current state of gridlocked divided   government persists into 2013 and beyond, with at least one of the House,   Senate, or White House unwilling to allow either comprehensive climate change   legislation or simple removal of EPA's authority over GHGs. In this case, state   and regional efforts will probably grow in importance, even as they suffer from   periodic attrition. Federal regulations will have a major impact, reducing GHGs   far less efficiently than a cap and trade system or a carbon tax. EPA will   probably do its best to keep the scope of its rules fairly narrow, "tailoring"   the CAA in many ways to prevent regulation from engulfing all small businesses.   This continuation of the status quo is legally troubling, economically   sub-optimal, and of dubious efficacy -- but it probably doesn't portend the   economic disaster Republicans sometimes warn of. On the other hand, if   environmentalist litigation successfully forces the EPA to create NAAQS for GHGs   and thereafter to require states to tackle global carbon levels in their SIPs,   the whole machinery of the CAA could be gummed up with little compensating   benefit. . .
   
      "In the meantime, the status quo poses a dilemma for the policy-minded. If   our first priority is to ensure that regulations' benefits exceed their costs,   what should we make of the current set of GHG policies under the CAA? On the one   hand, we might think that when it comes to climate change, something is better   than nothing and the perfect should not be the enemy of the good. On the other   hand, there is a real danger of settling for mediocre and wasteful policies   simply because 'doing nothing' feels wrong. Arguably, the most important effect   of adopting sensible American climate change policy would be to put the United   States in a position of global leadership on the issue. But the current CAA   policies, which are bitterly contested by half of our political class, are   incapable of fulfilling this role. Indeed, they pose a danger of undermining the   case for acting against climate change; when critics say that our GHG emission   controls are wasteful, poorly designed, and imposed by 'fiat,' they will be more   than a little correct. Executing a legislative tradeoff enacting efficient   carbon pricing and ending the strange interpretive odyssey under the Clean Air   Act should be a priority for believers in sensible   policy."
   
      Access the complete   paper from the Brookings Institution (click   here). [#Climate]    
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